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Salim Lamrani
International Journal of Cuban Studies / The Huffington Post
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/salim-lamrani/we-are-an-island-and-we-n_b_5519222.html
Eusebio Leal Spengler is City Historian of Havana, the "City of
Columns", as Alejo Carpentier liked to call it. A Doctor of Historical
Sciences (University of Havana), he is a specialist in archaeological
science and internationally recognized for his work in preserving the
historic character of the Cuban capital.
Born in 1942 and self-educated in his youth, Eusebio Leal was a disciple
of Emilio Roig de Leushenring, founder of the Office of the Historian of
Havana, the leadership of which Leal assumed in 1967.
The mission of the Historian's Office is to contribute to the
dissemination of Cuban history and culture through "the preservation of
material and spiritual symbols and expressions of nationality [... and]
the collective historical and cultural memory of the city, especially
its Historic Center", the largest such colonial center in Latin America.
He is also President of the National Monuments Commission, a United
Nations Goodwill Ambassador and a member of the unicameral Cuban
Parliament. Since 1981, Leal has been responsible for the restoration
and preservation of the Historic Center of Havana, a national monument
since 1976 and a Heritage for Humanity site since 1982.
Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the advent of the
Special Period in Time of Peace, Cuba was plunged into a deep economic
crisis. Leal was nonetheless charged with continuing the work of
restoring the Historic Center of the capital, but with severely limited
resources. As head of the General Directorate of Cultural Heritage, a
new institution created for this purpose, he managed to obtain a certain
degree of autonomy from the authorities in the management of the Office
of the Historian but only a limited one million dollar budget.
Nonetheless Leal has transformed that institution into a veritable
economic and cultural network that includes hotels, restaurants, shops,
museums and construction and restoration workshops that are capable of
generating the funds necessary to preserve the Historic Center. The
results have been spectacular and have earned him worldwide fame. In
total, nearly a hundred old buildings, for the most part complex
structures of great historical importance, have been restored.
Eusebio Leal has also expanded the scope of responsibility of the Office
of the Historian. He has brought new energy to the cultural and social
life of Old Havana, with a multitude of activities, which are held
monthly in museums, cultural centres, libraries, research laboratories,
and elsewhere.
Leal was able to demonstrate that saving the cultural patrimony of the
city was possible, even under conditions of extreme economic adversity.
The original million dollars invested generates more than 100 million in
resources today. His excellent management abilities and his love for
Havana have made his work an undeniable economic and cultural success.
A man of exceptional culture, a winner of the world's highest honours,
he is considered to be one of the three greatest living Cuban speakers,
the other two being Fidel Castro and Max Lesnik.
During these conversations, Leal evokes his city and speaks of the level
of management autonomy enjoyed by his institution. He addresses the
question of relations with the United States, economic sanctions,
tourism development, socio-economic reforms and the Cuba of tomorrow.
Salim Lamrani: Eusebio Leal, you're Havana's historian. What exactly is
this city?
Eusebio Leal: Havana is an enormously attractive city. It possesses a
magnetism that grows out of its history and its geographical location.
It is a beautiful city that appeals to us for numerous reasons. It is
not in step with the times and, therefore, has preserved a wide range of
values and a unique identity within the heart of Cuban identity itself.
Havana has played an important role in the construction of our national
identity and our national character, as well as in the struggles for
independence and those of students and the working class. This city is
also an impressive patrimonial resource. The Cuban Revolution has
undoubtedly contributed to Havana having preserved its architectural
heritage and the fact that the city has remained substantially
unchanged. But this is only an apparent immobility. When you visit this
city, you immediately feel the vibrant life that prevails here, a life
that is waiting to be discovered.
SL: What is the role of the Office of the Historian of Havana?
EL: The first steps taken were to preserve the architectural heritage
that was endangered because of its state of disrepair. But we abandoned
the conventional framework, that of preserving monuments, and time has
convinced us that there can be no patrimonial development without social
and community development as well. We also concluded that development
was not possible if we failed to take culture into account. It was
important to understand culture as an inspirational value, not in an
elitist sense, but in its role as a vanguard of change, of
transformation and of research on the past and on the future.
SL: Could you tell us a bit about the unique economic system in force in
Old Havana.
EL: At the beginning, everything was quite conventional. We received a
budget from the state. Then came a time when we realized that
organizations such as UNESCO could participate in the heritage
preservation effort. We also set up small international cooperatives
whose work we greatly appreciate. One day, someone sent us an envelope
with a single peso in it. The money was clearly not of great economic
importance, but at the same time the gesture was an act of love for
Cuba. All such acts of solidarity are important to us. Sometimes people
send us books on architecture, treatises on restoration. All of this is
positive, but it would be impossible to preserve our rich heritage and
our culture with nothing other than these gestures of solidarity.
SL: At what moment did all of this begin?
EL: When the crisis that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union
occurred, Fidel Castro correctly pointed out that the Old Havana
preservation project ought to be achieved through the creation of an
autonomous and sustainable management model, one that would be able to
generate its own resources while at the same time creating an
infrastructure for the tourism that would one day come to Cuba. It was
therefore important to establish a twofold mechanism to achieve these
goals. The Office of the Historian is an old and prestigious cultural
institution that specialized in city themes. It offered a series of
conferences, a small assortment of publications, a television and radio
program and a museum, the Museum of Havana. We first gave legal standing
to the Office by assuming the responsibility of owning assets. All land
and buildings in Old Havana that belonged to the state were turned over
to the Office of the Historian. This property proved to be a source of
wealth. The banking system then opened a line of credit for the Office
of the Historian.
SL: What was the initial budget?
EL: In October 1994, Fidel Castro offered us a grant of one million
dollars, a sum that the Republic was able to afford in these times of
crisis. We did not have to repay this contribution, but we were required
to invest it in a manner that would make us financially independent. Our
work would need to be economically and financially self-supporting. We
were granted a legal framework and political support, but we had to
achieve financial autonomy. Two years later, in 1996, the initial one
million dollars had generated the equivalent of three million dollars in
resources. Today, 20 years later, that one million dollars generates
revenues 100 times greater. These funds are now used not only to restore
our city, but also to provide support to the community, solve problems
facing it and integrate it into our project. We shared this revenue with
our community by creating a great variety of jobs. We also created
schools and workshops to train youth and preserve the heritage and
cultural memory of Cuba. We managed to free ourselves from the anxiety
created by having bank loans loom over us. We take care of the elderly,
the disabled and pregnant women, something no other office of heritage
restoration anywhere in the world has done. I think of the restoration
of Old Havana as a chapter in the history of the Cuban Revolution.
SL: What is the impact of economic sanctions on the preservation of
Cuba's architectural heritage?
EL: We are required to import many construction materials from quite far
afield. The wide variety of technology required for restoration, for
example, machines for carpentry or blacksmith equipment, could be
acquired easily if normal trade relations between Cuba and the United
States existed as had been the case for centuries.
We have entered a stage of restoration where buildings are not built
with wood from Cuban forests, but rather with woods from forests in the
United States. Pinewood, for example, is impossible to find other than
in the United States.
At the same time, we have a history of relations with the United States.
The cities of the southern coast, from Florida to New Orleans, the coast
of Alabama, the mouth of the Mississippi, have all been closely related
to Cuba throughout our history. Moreover, certain elements of the
political history of Cuba, certain facts that relate to the struggle for
independence, for one reason or another, reside in the United States.
There are fascinating archives, graves, indeed a collective memory, in
such small communities as Key West and Pensacola. All of this is a part
of the history of Cuba.
SL: Historically, the United States has been a haven for Cubans.
EL: Yes, the United States has been the host country for Cuban exiles at
different periods of our history. The richest documentation on the first
exiles, those who left prior to 1868, as well as those who left after
the Cry of Independence, is in the United States. For example, the New
York Public Library is a repository for a trove of Cuban correspondence
of immense importance, to which we cannot have direct access.
It is also impossible to tell the story of Cuba without mentioning the
United States. Similarly, it is difficult to evoke the history of the
United States without mentioning Cuba. While Cuba was still a Spanish
colony, Cuban troops left Havana to help the United States in its war of
independence against England. Cuban forces fought in the United States
and were at Georgetown alongside of George Washington. We need also add
that during the civil war in the United States, the Port of Havana
became a refuge for southerners who repaired their weapons there. Recall
that at the time a slave regime also existed in Cuba.
You cannot write the history of American music or describe our musical
preferences without mentioning the exchange between our two countries
of, for example, rumba and jazz. We also share great artists. Havana was
the home away from home for Ernest Hemingway and many other U.S.
writers.
If we speak of sport, baseball is the national sport of the nations that
were dominated by the United States. Moreover, not even an excess of
patriotic zeal could change the technical vocabulary of baseball,
something that remains in English to this day. It is the same thing for
boxing. This is a Roman sport, but it came to us through our
relationship with the United States.
There exists a marvellous literary, intellectual and personal
relationship between our two countries. It is impossible to talk about
the history of José Martí, the founding of the Cuban Revolutionary
Party, or even Fidel Castro without mentioning the United States. The
United States is a primary point of reference. It is inevitable that we
speak about the role played by many United States patriots in the
struggle for the independence of Cuba. Countless young Americans
sacrificed their lives for our country. Many people in the United States
have raised funds and supported the Cuban cause, thereby opposing the
tidal wave of pro-imperial politics that emanates from Washington.
SL: Let's talk about another subject. What changes has tourism brought
to Cuba?
EL: For an island that has been the victim of a blockade for half a
century, that has been monitored and demonized, the fact that tourism is
developing in Cuba is a slap in the face of the anti-Cuban campaigns and
a source of considerable satisfaction for us. We are an island and we
need to have an ongoing dialogue with the world that surrounds us. Any
attempt to isolate us is a mistake. Any attempt to exclude us is a
mistake. Cubans are prepared for this dialogue. It is understandable
that during the early development of the tourism process, harassed and
besieged as we were by multiple necessities, frictions and complex
situations arose. Whoever brings money plays the dominant role in a
society in crisis. That goes without saying. But we cannot lock
ourselves into a glass fortress. For these reasons, we support dialogue
quite apart from the fact that this creates economic resources essential
for Cuba, now especially since a few U.S. citizens are allowed to travel
to Cuba, thanks to the more flexible measures taken by the Obama
administration. Admittedly, these measures are not what we had expected
nor are they those required by the Constitution of the United States.
But they are, nonetheless, a first step. Recall that Cuba is the only
country in the world that U.S. citizens cannot visit freely.
From the tourist perspective, Cuba is the safest place in the world. We
are open to tourists from around the world, particularly those from the
United States for obvious geographical reasons. It is certain that the
day when the economic blockade is finally abandoned, hundreds of
thousands of tourists from the United States will visit our island.
Here, we have never burned a single United States flag. In Cuba,
everyone is well received, scientists, journalists, artists. It is also
true that the isolation we suffer, isolation imposed upon us by the
United States, has allowed us to diversify our circle of friends. People
from around the world come to Cuba, from Japan, China, Australia,
England. It is only necessary to spend a day strolling about in Old
Havana to realize this. These visits help build interesting and fruitful
cultural relations.
SL: Cuba is undergoing a period of change, reforming and updating its
socio-economic model. What path is Cuba going to follow?
EL: Cuba, a country that has practiced solidarity and extended a
generous hand to all who struggle and suffer, has the right to choose
its own path. We do not betray anyone. We do not owe a debt to anyone.
Cuba has freed itself and because of that it enjoys the solidarity of
all decent and generous people on earth. I think the best legacy our
history has granted us is our desire to be original. The Master, Simón
Bolívar, is attributed with having once said: "When we do not invent, we
deceive ourselves" (Cuando no inventamos, erramos).
Whenever we are victorious and win one battle, we are inevitably faced
with new challenges. But no matter, we are used to that. Change is
inevitable. If something stagnates, it perishes. People have the right
to correct their own mistakes in the search for truth, in the search for
their own path. I am convinced, without hesitation, that Cuba is moving
in the right direction. Obviously, it puts to the test the famous law of
unity and struggle between opposites, between those who want to progress
and their opponents, between those who want to lift economic sanctions
and supporters of this anachronistic policy.
SL: There is also resistance to these changes, including within Cuban
society.
EL: Yes, there are people in Cuba who think that the old days were
better. But the Revolution must always have its eye trained on the
future. This is my firm conviction.
SL: The United States justifies its hostility to Cuba because of the
human rights situation and the lack of democracy. How do you respond to
that?
EL: Demos is one of the finest legacies of Western civilization. It is
surprising to see the U.S. impose Periclean democracy by bombing
countries in the Arab world. I believe that in our world, the right to
nonconformity is essential. The United States refuses to admit this.
They want to standardize the world, particularly Cuba, according to
their own definition of human rights. Wherever a man raises his hand
against a woman, whenever a guardian of the peace oversteps his
authority, whenever a person is a victim of injustice, there we see
violations of human rights. No country is free from that, absolutely
none, and still less those that judge us. The United States has the
largest prison population in the world and it is in these prisons that
many of the worst violations of human rights are committed. We have
discovered that men subjected for decades to the torture of death row
were actually innocent, their innocence sometimes proven after their
execution. In a country that claims the right to act as prosecutor for
the entire world, tens of thousands of people are in prison awaiting
trial. Its banking and speculative monetary systems have demonstrated a
predatory capacity that has ruined decent people. This is a country that
sends its children to death in a supposed war against terror. This is a
country that is much like the Rome of the third century.
So what can little Cuba hope for? Its merit lies in the fact that it was
able to resist. Its merit lies in the fact that it has not been
subjugated. What strange power the Cuban people possess.
SL: The U.S. says that the Cuban government is turning its back on the
interests of its own people.
EL: We would be the basest of people, the most cowardly, the most
mediocre on earth, had we submitted to the tyranny of five decades
without rebelling. Our people have risen up on multiple occasions over
the past hundred years. First, we rose up against the Spanish army, one
of the world's most seasoned, possessed of a high conception of honour
and a determination to fight the rebellion of those they considered
their lost children. The war was long and bloody, yet we had secured our
freedom before it was sullied by the self-interested intervention of the
United States, a country that, as José Martí predicted, wished only to
subjugate Cuba.
The language of their demands is irreconcilable with our ability to
respond. For us, real human rights lie in the fact that within a Latin
American society such as ours, when a serious accident occurs, a cyclone
for example, the first to go to the front lines is the head of State.
This has been a true since the terrible days of Hurricane Flora. The
first to appear on the scene are the leaders of the government. When a
natural disaster occurs in Cuba, the army is the first to take to the
streets to rescue people and shelter them.
Elsewhere, when the same type of drama occurs, hundreds of people die in
the most complete indifference. In Cuba I have never seen police dogs
unleashed on protesters, or police spraying protesters with water
cannons or tear gas. What should we think when we see students brutally
assaulted by the police, young people handcuffed, women martyred by the
forces of order in Washington, the capital of the United States, and
elsewhere.
What human rights are we talking about? Are there organized mafias here
in Cuba as is the case in all of the countries that claim to teach us
lessons? Can we compare Cuban young people to the continent's youth
debased by drugs and gangs? Our people are capable of expressing their
anger and taking up arms and fighting. We are a passionate people. We
are a Hispanic and Latin people and our blood is a mixture of several
inheritances.
SL: The Cuban Revolution has never committed an error?
LE: The Cuban Revolution itself, like any real revolution, cannot ignore
its own history, cannot ignore the times when it may have made mistake.
For the most part, we are speaking of serious errors committed by
individuals. These errors were not committed in the name of an idea, but
rather by men or by not coming to grips with an idea.
In Cuba, the salary of women in equivalent jobs is equal to that of men.
In Cuba, there are still many people with prejudices, but there is no
quota for admission to university. In Cuba, despite all the needs we
have, there is not a single child sleeping under a bridge. There is not
a single Cuban boy working in our mines. These are real human rights:
The right to education, the right to a dignified life, the right to
health.
We are judged through a series of parameters. So I go back to the sandy
soil of the Holy Land, where Jesus confronted the Pharisees when they
tried to stone a woman. And I demand of those who judge us: "Let he who
is without sin cast the first stone". What can the European Union teach
us? What can the United States teach us?
We have conquered no one. We do not have the blood of slaves and that of
oppressed Congolese workers on our hands. Cubans went to Africa as
liberators and came back bearing coffins that contained the bodies of
their fallen comrades. They did not come back loaded down with elephant
tusks, gold or diamonds. And when someone tried to implicate us in a
matter that was morally and ethically reprehensible, the Revolution was
relentless. Here is the truth, or at least, our truth.
SL: What message would you like to send to the people of the United
States?
EL: We do not have American blood on our hands. We have not killed your
people. We have committed no crime. Three of us are unjustly imprisoned
in your country for fighting against crime. Yet real U.S. and Russian
spies were exchanged at the Vienna Airport only a short time ago. No
journalist was allowed to photograph the scene. We know only that a
beautiful woman, a kind of new Mata Hari, was handed over along with her
collaborators. Still, no such exchange is in sight for the Cuban Five
who struggled only to avoid spilling both Cuban and American blood.
During the attacks of September 11, 2001, Cuba offered its airspace to
U.S. aircraft. Fidel Castro condemned terrorism in absolute terms. Cuba
has never resorted to terrorism. We are not ashamed of being counted
among all those who have fought for independence in Latin America or in
the world.
When American athletes come to Cuba we play their country's national
anthem and the Cuban people stand up as a sign of respect. Our battle is
a battle of ideas. We are grateful to the American citizens who helped
José Martí. We express our appreciation to the Americans, Henry Reeve
for example, who fought in the Cuban War for Independence, heroes fallen
on the battlefield at 26 or 27 years of age.
We welcome American scientists who put their discoveries at the service
of our nation. We admire American culture with which we are so imbued.
Our second language is English. I believe that had the United States
shown more understanding toward the Cuban Revolution and its causes, we
would be living together peacefully today.
Cuba extends its hand of friendship to the people of the United States.
Through the voices of its leaders Cuba has made it clear that it is
prepared to discuss all issues with the United States government, but as
equal to equal. We are small gladiators in the middle of the arena and
as such, we simply wish to say one thing, something expressed one day by
Fidel Castro in front of the United States Interests Section in Havana:
"Ave Caesar, those who are about to die salute you." But neither Fidel
nor the Revolution are dead. Fidel has conquered death and the
Revolution as well.
SL: What precisely does Fidel Castro represent for Cuba?
EL: Just as some people are Marxist, Platonist, Hegelian, Martinian
[disciples of José Martí], from a personal point of view, I am a
Fidelista. Only Fidel was able weave together the disparate elements
capable of alleviating my existential anxieties and carving out a modest
place for me in Cuban society. It was very important for me as a person
of Christian faith, to have a revolutionary leader who was able to
understand that it was impossible to make a successful revolution in
Cuba or on the continent without involving people of faith, such as
Father Varela, Camilo Torres and many others who fought for a better
world.
Fidel, the man, the gentleman, the human being with his convictions and
his faults, interests me very much. Fidel Castro has never summoned
anyone to duty without he himself first being on the front line. He has
never demanded an effort from people without leading by example. He
always faced the toughest and the most agonizing of situations with
unshakeable faith in the destiny of the world.
During his illness, an Arab leader was one of the few to visit him. At
the time of taking leave, he said: "Fidel, if it were necessary to make
you healthy, I would sacrifice my eyes." I think the same thing.
SL: How do you envision the Cuba of tomorrow?
EL: I don't know. I would like to be able to imagine it. I think it will
be different, not only because of some natural law of evolution of
society and species, but because Cubans will also be different. "When I
was a child, I thought like a child," St. Paul said. "When I was young,
I thought like a youth." So today's younger generation and future
generations will also think differently. Provided that they receive as a
gift this concept that we have inherited from our fathers. My mother
often said to me as I watched her of an evening ironing clothes to make
money for food: "I did not prostitute myself in order to raise you." I
hope that future generations will think the same of us.
Translated from the French by Larry R. Oberg.
Docteur ès Etudes Ibériques et Latino-américaines at the University
of Paris IV-Sorbonne, Salim Lamrani is a Lecturer at the University of
La Réunion, and a journalist, specializing in relations between Cuba and
the United States.
His latest book is The Economic War Against Cuba (New York,
Monthly Review Press, 2013) with a prologue by Wayne S. Smith and a
preface by Paul Estrade.
http://www.amazon.fr/Cuba-m%C3%A9dias-face-d%C3%A9fi-limpartialit%C3%A9/dp/2953128433/ref=sr_1_1?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1376731937&sr=1-1
Contact :
lamranisalim@yahoo.fr
Page Facebook :
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