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The Metaphors of Color
by Esteban Morales
A CubaNews translation by Mary Todd.
Edited by Walter Lippmann.
Racism may well be the thorniest, most hidden topic in our present
social reality.
Some people don’t want to hear anything about it. Reactions are
unforeseeable and range from denial and cynicism to very worried.
In Cuba, historically, racism has been approached more with the fear of
creating social divisions than with a determination to end it. Blacks,
mestizos and many people who have consciences have had to wait too long
for a discussion. This is now causing contradictions and dysfunction in
an extraordinarily humanistic society, which has struggled for social
justice, equality and egalitarianism.
Opinions differ. Some people deny that race is a
valid topic in Cuba. Unquestionably, there is a lot of ignorance and a
false criterion on how this affects national unity, but there’s also an
attempt to keep the topic from being discussed—as seen for a long time
in the accusation of “racist,” that has nearly always been applied to
those who seek to bring the racial question to the fore.1
Unfortunately, after many years of silence, when the topic of race was
taboo in Cuba, we are now very behind in our treatment of the
subject—intellectually, scientifically and politically. An important
number of our intellectuals don’t even mention it in their current
approaches to the Cuban nation’s social and cultural reality.
Undoubtedly, this reflects the fact that they have very different
concepts concerning what historical moment of development the Cuban
nation is in.
We must accept that all of us Cubans occupy the same place in the
process of the nation’s formation, so it is absolutely necessary to keep
in mind the differences contributed by various historical starting
points in order to adopt a more realistic attitude toward racial groups,
social inequalities and the racial question in today’s Cuba.
Public discussion is still very discreet, incomplete and often
unreported. The efforts that are made to work with the realities that
feed existing inequalities continue to be global, even when aimed at the
more vulnerable sectors. However, even in the case of affirmative
action, race or skin color still doesn’t appear openly as a matter to be
considered in social policy—or, at least, it isn’t mentioned openly as
something to be taken into account.2
Clearly, our Cuban society is multiracial—or, rather, multicolored—but
this multicolored aspect, which isn’t just a simple matter of shades,
because it includes a long and complex historical background, is far
from prevailing in all spheres of our social life. Nor is it a matter
of how many whites, blacks and mestizos there are in the various jobs.
Rather, we should take a realistic look at
ourselves (WALTER—It said “asumirnos” = “assume ourselves”) and share
power (WALTER—It said “compartirlo” = “share it”; I can’t see any
antecedent for “it”) on an equal footing. The distribution of power is
very important because not all of the racial groups have equal strength,
(WALTER—It said “están en condiciones de imponerse” = “are in a
condition to impose themselves”) and an effort must be made to achieve
the balances that are so needed in a truly multiracial society.
The great savant Fernando Ortiz, the third
“discoverer” of Cuba, described Cuba as a “stew.”
I fully subscribe to this idea but would add that the stew is still
bubbling.
Some people don’t feel that they are included in the pot and even want
to turn down the flame. Inside the pot, we have some meat and
vegetables—more than we’d have imagined before the economic crisis of
the ’90s—that haven’t become an integral part of the mixture yet.
(WALTER—(It said “que aún
no se han ablandado” = “that haven’t gotten tender yet”
or “that haven’t been cooked long enough yet”)
Also, as Isaac Barreal put it, the stew should be judged not only by the
expected results but also by the cooking process. This is a reality
that not everybody wants to accept, but it is of vital importance for
the process of consolidating national unity and for its political
alliances with the other colonialized (indigenous and descendants of
Africans) peoples of the world—especially the ones in Latin America.3
We Cubans are at this crossroads, even though many fail to understand or
don’t accept it. We must either implement measures in all spheres to
help all the ingredients of the “stew” to blend together (WALTER—It said
“termine su cocción” = “finish being cooked”) or we will lose our only
historic opportunity to finish building the society in which the vast
majority of us Cubans want to live. At the same
time, if we don’t do this, it will adversely affect our alliance with
the 150 million descendants of Africans and of the indigenous
populations in Latin America who view Cuba as a model of political and
social emancipation. We cannot share the idea that a better world is
possible with such groups while avoiding internal challenges based on
color.4
I believe that culture and education must be the main protagonists in
this battle. It has already been abundantly shown that, even though
racism is comfortably installed in capitalism, doing away with that
social regime doesn’t automatically end racial discrimination and, above
all, the prejudices and stereotypes that nourish it. To do that,
paraphrasing Gramsci, we must do away with “popular culture” (WALTER—I
agree with him 100% here—get rid of all those stupid “mammy” dolls with
staring eyes, protuberant lips and big butts! Also, get rid of “teatro
bufo” with its stereotyped Spaniard, black [and one other character
which I can’t remember]. My view is, things shouldn’t be retained just
because they’re a part of our history; slavery was a part of our
history, too. . . .) and the innocuous “common sense” (WALTER—This is
what it said; I have no idea what he means) of things and fight to
create a truly revolutionary culture. Bourgeois ideology is so strong
that it has made many of us believe that all of those residues of racism
and discrimination are the most natural things in the world.
An open debate from the cultural and scientific
points of view is required if we are to end this hypocrisy, which has
nothing to do with the culture of a truly revolutionary society.
Many movies and books, our long historical tradition and our great
cultural heritage in general attest to Africans’ participation in the
creation and development of our national culture, but some of that
laudable work is coming up against our present reality, which still
includes negative stereotypes of non-whites, racial prejudices, racial
discrimination and racism.
The three most exhaustive research projects of the last 40 years about
racism in Cuba weren’t carried out in Cuba or by intellectuals living on
the island. Nationally, very little has been published that tackles the
topic as a contemporary problem that must be solved.
We have a written history in which blacks and mestizos still aren’t
given enough space as part of the process forming the nation and its
culture. This has a serious adverse effect on our national identity.
We must introduce ethno-racial studies at all levels of learning; they
must be a constant, systematic part of our education and of our mass
media—especially television.
We must be educated to be Cubans (not whites, as is sometimes the case)
and meet the challenges—and reap the benefits—of introducing color.
Our system of education cannot be described as racist, because all
Cubans have equal access to it. However, all of the roots that
contributed to our nationality and culture aren’t given the same
emphasis in our study plans and programs. (WALTER—It said “Por lo que”;
not in my dictionary) We don’t exclude blacks and mestizos from our
schools, but, in daily practice, they don’t receive an education in
which all are given equal credit as part of a multiracial society that
is objectively ethnically united. (WALTER—It said “los asuma por igual,
como parte de una sociedad que es objetivamente uniétnica
y multirracial” = “considers them equals as part of a society that is
objectively uni-ethnic and multiracial”)
Matters related to the formation of a multiracial or multicolored
identity must take their place in Cuban education, because this problem
adversely affects everyone, harming the identity of the nation seen as a
whole. If this isn’t done, we won’t be educating our children to be
Cubans in the fullest sense of the term. (WALTER—It said “educando para
ser cubanos de manera integral” = “educating to be Cubans in an integral
way”; this could also mean “providing an integral education in being
Cubans”)
August 2005
1 In March 1959, when Fidel Castro said that racial
discrimination was one of the defects which had to be overcome, some
people didn’t support him and even predicted difficult, unpleasant
situations. Now, when this problem is considered to have been solved
many years ago, it is hardly surprising that those same attitudes
persist.
2 All of the measures that were adopted in 2005 to raise
pensions and minimum wages and to increase the distribution of
subsidized basic products are part of a social policy that has always
had a deeply humanistic content and that unquestionably benefits blacks
and mestizos—the racial groups with the largest proportions among the
poor.
3 Isaac Barreal: Retorno a las
raíces (Back to the Roots), La Fuente Viva Collection (Havana:
Fernando Ortiz Foundation, 2001), pp. 154-5.
4 We cannot oppose racism and discrimination internationally
if we don’t fight it openly and thoroughly in our own present social
reality, if we don’t hold a public discussion that does away with the
cynicism and hypocrisy with which, unfortunately, many Cubans of all
racial groups still approach, ignore or deny the existence of the
problem.
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