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The Cuban
Revolution at the Crossroads
By David Rey [2002]
The Cuban Revolution of 1959 is one of the most significant events
of the last 50 years. Cuba has been a beacon of struggle and resistence
against American imperialism for millions of workers, poor peasants and
youth of Latin America and the rest of the world. The Cuban Revolution
forged leaders of the stature of Che Guevara, martyr and revolutionary,
heritage of the oppressed of the world. His image and fighting spirit
have been justly transformed into a raised banner for millions of
revolutionaries all over the world.
The elimination of capitalism and landlordism and the introduction of a
nationalised, planned economy has allowed collosal advances to be made
in Cuban society - in areas such as health, education, culture,
childcare and an improvement in the situation of women - despite the
enormous difficulties, the lack of resources and the economic blockade
imposed on Cuba by American imperialism for over 40 years.
It is a duty for all Marxists and conscious workers to unconditionally
defend the conquests of the revolution and oppose by all means any
attempt by imperialism to undermine the planned economy and reestablish
capitalism in Cuba. Furthermore, given the undeniable sympathies that
the Cuban revolution has arisen in millions of workers and youth all
around the world, its defeat would give the bourgeoisie a formidable
ideological and propaganda weapon - to show the workers once more that
there is no alternative to capitalism - which would undoubtedly have an
effect on the consciousness of the masses.
The hypocrisy of imperialism
The bourgeois intellectuals and the capitalist press have all these
years insisted on hightlighting the absence of democratic rights in
Cuba.
Obviously, whatever criticisms that are made by these people are
brimming with hypocrisy. In particular, the concern for human rights on
the part of the leaders of the (Spanish) Popular Party is outrageous -
buddies of the Miami-based Cuban mafia, and participants and heirs of
the Franco dictatorship in Spain, that working class families suffered
under for 40 years. It goes without saying that the same concerns coming
from the mouths of US presidents and their acolytes in the rest of the
world hardly have any effect on the class concious workers and youth of
the world.
These are the same people who have supported and promoted vicious
dictators in every region of the planet to safeguard the interests of
the monopolies and the multinational capitalists! They planned and
perpetrated every type of crime in the bloody dictatorships of Chile,
Argentina and Indonesia and brought destruction and poverty to Vietnam,
Iraq, Yugoslavia and more recently, Afghanistan. No, we the workers
cannot give these people the slightest creditability. There are our
class enemies, and tomorrow they will not hesitate to try to use the
same methods against us if they see that the continuation of their
system is in danger.
In reality, to these people the most basic of human rights and democracy
are of no consequence - neither in Cuba nor the rest of the world. What
they cannot stand in Cuba is the existence of a social system that is at
odds with capitalism, that prevents the multinationals and the
metropolitan imperialists from taking over and plundering the resources
of the island to increase their profits - at the expense of taking Cuban
society back 50 years and leaving in their wake poverty and hardships
for the masses - like we see in the surrounding countries.
The reintroduction of capitalism in Cuba would bring with it a gigantic
catastrophe - economic, social and cultural.
But at bottom what worries them most about Cuba, is that the economic
system and the conquests of the revolution that it has inherited, might
become at a given moment a point of reference for the masses in the
poorest and least-developed capitalist countries, giving impetus to the
fight against capitalism in these countries.
Nevertheless, Cuba is confronted with important challenges and it is
vital for the future of the revolution to take a correct position in
relation to these. For the same reason Marxists have an obligation to
carefully follow the situation in Cuba and study and explain our
opinions on it.
Socialism in one country or world socialism
The Marxists of El Militante have maintained a clear position
on the Cuban Revolution from the outset.
However, for Marxists socialism is something that must be constructed on
a world scale, because only with the democratic and harmonious planning
of resources and the productive forces on an international scale, can
the necessary premises be created for ensuring superior conditions of
life, society and culture for the whole population of the planet to
those that now exist in the most developed capitalist countries - and
from here to continually raise these and end the legacy of barbarism and
poverty that capitalism has to offer. Surely this is the historical
justification for socialism?
It is our obligation as Marxists to tell the truth to the workers in
Cuba and the rest of the world. In this sense we are disciples of the
Latin maxim that says: "Plato is my friend, but I like the truth more."
An isolated country with a planned economy as exists in Cuba, and as
existed in the former USSR, cannot survive indefinitely surrounded by a
hostile capitalist environment. Decades of isolation and fierce
imperialist harassment have given rise to inevitable distortions in the
economy and the political leadership, that can threaten at a given
moment the continuation of the system. Furthermore, the loss of the goal
of the world socialist revolution will always degenerate into a narrow
nationalist vision, with the search for impossible diplomatic agreements
with the different capitalist powers and the abandoning of the fight for
the world socialist revolution.
The only guarantee of the survival of the Cuban revolution lies in the
world revolution, in extending the socialist revolution to the whole of
Latin America and then to the most developed capitalist countries. In
this way socialism would have a guaranteed future, not only in Cuba but
on an international level.
The nature of the Cuban
regime
Unlike the classical workers' revolutions, the Cuban revolution did
not triumph as an insurrectional movement of the working class in the
cities, but through a guerrilla army composed of peasants,
intellectuals, isolated workers on the run in the mountains, and
students. Despite this, the final triumph was decided thanks to a
general strike in Havana. The Cuban working class was not the leading
force of the revolution nor did it act though its own organs of workers'
power, like it created in Russia and in other places. The subsequent
nationalisation of the majority of the economy gave rise formally to the
creation of a workers' state in a peculiar way. Unlike Russia in 1917-22
when power rested with the soviets (workers' councils) of workers and
peasants, the real power in Cuba rested with the hierarchical structure
of the guerrilla army that occupied the empty space left by the
disappearance of the capitalist state. This was inevitable, given the
absence of genuine organs of workers' power emanating from the
factories, companies, and agricultural estates. And this continues to be
the case today. All fundamental decisions on the economy and society are
taken directly by the Central Committee of the Cuban Communist Party.
The problem is that this creates the conditions for the appearance of
bureaucratic tendencies and social differentiation in the standards of
living between different layers of the population, according to the
position that they occupy in society.
The links between the Cuban leaders with the Stalinist USSR forced them
to perpetuate this political system. But this form of state is not the
true workers' democracy that Lenin summarised in his famous four points,
extracting the lessons from past revolutionary experiences.
Free and democratic elections to all positions in the state, with the
right of immediate recall.
No state employee should receive a wage higher then the average wage of
a skilled worker.
All the tasks of administering and running the economy and the state to
be performed by everyone in turn.
No standing army separate from the people. Arms must remain in the hands
of the population in the form of workers' militias.
It is true that because of the reasons given above - the isolation of
the Cuban revolution, the shortage of resources and the small size of
the country in an implacably hostile capitalist environment - makes it
very difficult to put these measures into practice, which is why we
emphasise that the only hope for the Cuban revolution is its extension
on an international scale.
It is impossible to construct socialism in an isolated country. If by
socialism we understand the existence of a society where the development
of the productive forces, social welfare and culture would be superior
to that of the most developed capitalist country that exists today, then
we must admit that in Cuba socialism still does not exist - and neither
did it exist in the former USSR - but it is a regime in transition to
socialism. On the other hand, authentic workers' democracy implies that
the elements of coercion and repression, far from growing stronger,
should wither away and finally disappear.
Socialism is incompatible with
the absence of basic democratic rights, such as freedom of expression,
the existence of whatever organisations defend the conquests of the
revolution and the freedom to publicly participate in all aspects of
social life. And we have to admit that all these elements of workers'
democracy are still not present in Cuba.
Who are the true friends of the Cuban revolution?
We think that the Cuban leaders, with Castro at the head, are
mistaken when they seek the saving of the destiny of the Cuban
revolution by trusting in reaching diplomatic agreements with some
capitalist governments, by taking advantage of possible frictions that
these may have with American imperialism, or creating illusions in the
work of characters like Jimmy Carter (former president of the United
States) or the Pope, professed agents of capitalism and its interests.
These "friends" will not hesitate for an instant to help the
counter-revolution in Cuba to reinstate capitalism there when the
conditions demand it.
The Cuban leaders must find their allies in the world working class,
making a call to the workers of the world to actively oppose the
attempts by the capitalists to stifle the Cuban economy, and to
encourage them in their fight for socialism in each country. It is true
that the Bolsheviks, in the life of Lenin, also signed commercial and
diplomatic agreements with the different capitalist powers, but this did
not stop them for a moment in encouraging the socialist revolution in
every country. This was the role of the Communist International.
If the Cuban leaders acted like true communists they would make a call
to the working class, to the youth and to the rank and file of the
communist and socialist parties and organisations of the world to
organise themselves within these organisations around the ideas of
revolutionary Marxism. At the same time, an energetic call would be made
to promote a new international Marxist organisation which would find a
powerful echo everywhere, and the position of Cuba would be
strengthened, as would the forces of revolutionary Marxism on an
international level. In this way the task of the socialist revolution
would advance tremendously in every corner of the planet.
The economic situation in Cuba
In the last analysis, the development of the economy is decisive for
the future of the Cuban revolution. No country in the world can escape
from the crushing domination exerted by the world market. Cuba is
learning this lesson harshly, particularly after the fall of the
Stalinist regime in the former USSR.
After the elimination of capitalism on the island and its passing into
the "soviet" orbit, the economic dependence on the USSR was decisive for
the growth and development of the Cuban economy. More than 40% of
foreign trade was with the USSR and 80% of trade was with the former
Stalinist countries of Eastern Europe and Asia. The USSR sold oil very
cheaply to Cuba, which subsequently resold some of it at international
prices, obtaining important hard currencies. At the same time it was the
USSR that bought the best part of the Cuban sugar production, the
principal productive resource of the island.
But the disappearance of the Stalinist Bloc has had catastrophic
consequences for the Cuban economy. Between 1989 and 1993 the gross
domestic product, that is the wealth created in the island, fell by an
astonishing 35%. Today Cuba produces only 87% of what it did in 1989.
In view of the economic catastrophe, in 1991 the Cuban leaders launched
the so-called Special Period: the establishment of a kind of "war
economy" in order to face the crisis, fixed a serious cut in the
standard of living of the population, cut back expenditure and
stimulated production of consumer goods for export at the expense of the
internal market - to obtain the maximum hard currency with which to buy
the essential goods that were lacking.
The other aspect of these measures was the opening up of the Cuban
economy to foreign investment to stimulate the development of the
productive forces, at different levels. In some cases with the freedom
to export capital for these companies and others with shares in joint
projects. The monopoly on foreign trade was partly liberalized and in a
limited way individuals were allowed to open businesses, mainly
orientated towards tourism. The foreign investment mainly centred on
tourism, although also in other fields such as nickel production, Cuba
being the sixth biggest producer in the world. The aim of these
measures, besides reviving the economy, is obtaining hard currency in
dollars through the profits of tourism and taxes on the private sector.
In Cuba today there is a monetary system with two parallel currencies:
the dollar and the Cuban peso. This has deepened the social
inequalities. This is owing to the fact that the population that lives
on dollars has access to a much larger market of consumption goods than
those that live on Cuban pesos (the vast majority), besides taking into
account that the American dollar is worth around 21 pesos.
This has increased the contradictions within Cuban society between the
majority that suffers shortages and a minority that lives comfortably.
Inside this last layer is the petit bourgeoisie that lives off private
business, but also the best part of the ruling stratum of the Cuban
state. For this reason the Cuban government is obliged to periodically
limit the petit-bourgeois tendencies to soften the social clashes. In
all cases the state sector of the economy continues to be overwhelming,
around 90%.
The dependence of the Cuban economy on the ups and downs of the world
economy is greater than at any time in its history. This has meant that
in recent years, from 1997 to 2000, Cuba experienced a significant
growth, with GDP growth exceeding 5%. Nevertheless, this tendency came
to an end last year when economic growth remained low at 3%. The
perspectives for this year is that the stagnation will deepen. This is
for various reasons. There has been a strong fall in tourist activity
which is the principal productive activity of the island. Tourism grew
only by 1% in 2001 and between January and April of this year fell by
15%. The international prices of sugar and nickel have also fallen, and
have consequently generated less income in hard currencies to the Cuban
economy. Today the sugar sector is suffering from a severe crisis (3.5
million tonnes were produced in 2001, compared with around 9 million
tonnes in 1989) and the Cuban government has announced the cutting of
100,000 jobs in this sector.
The increase in the price of oil is also having fatal consequences for
the Cuban economy. Cuba imports around two thirds of its crude oil
requirements. Until April, Chávez's Venezuela supplied a third of this
at friendly prices - less than what was paid on the world market,
providing a breathing space for the Cuban economy. But after the failed
coup against Chávez, the Venezuela state oil company has surprisingly
decided to cut the supply to Cuba using the excuse that they have not
paid for some of the supplies. This has further aggravated the
situation. It is calculated that for each dollar rise in the price of a
barrel of oil, Cuba has an additional annual expenditure of almost $50
million.
Thanks to the planned economy, the state subsidises the most part of
basic products of consumption of the population, which partially
cushions the effects of the crisis. But a deep and long-lasting economic
crisis in the capitalist world economy would create unsolvable economic
contradictions in the Cuban economy by the lack of resources and hard
currency.
Political perspectives
Despite the capitalist propaganda, Fidel Castro still enjoys a
significant political and moral authority amongst the majority of the
Cuban people. That does not mean that the Cuban people are unaware of
the shortages in their standard of living and the abuses, of the
suffocating bureaucracy and of the corruption that occurs in the highest
spheres of the political system. But they compare their situation with
that of the surrounding countries and are conscious that the conquests
of the revolution are indissolubly linked with the maintenance of the
nationalised planned economy.
But in the medium to long term this situation cannot be maintained. In
particular, with the disappearance of the figure of Castro, without the
existence of a leader with the same authority and influence among the
masses.
The capitalist powers would manoeuvre between the Cuban leaders to
attempt to open up larger holes for the penetration of the capitalist
economy; they will attempt to widen their base of support amongst the
population for capitalist ideas - in particular those sections that live
off dollars - with lots of propaganda containing impossible promises of
increases in the standard of living and with a high dose of demagogy in
favour of "democracy". They would open inevitable fissures between a
section of the Cuban CP leadership that would bet on opening up to the
market and another section which would understand that dismantling the
planned economy would lead to disaster. The Cuban mafia of Miami will
remain eagerly waiting with a knife in its teeth to take its revenge
after decades of humiliating exile. This situation of uncertainty will
move a section of the population. And that could even include a civil
war and the possibility of a bloody victory of the capitalist
counter-revolution on the island.
We consider it an incorrect position of those who, coming from the left,
attempt to make the Cuban people drowsy with soothing phrases asserting
that the capitalist counter-revolution will never come to Cuba. They
said the same about the former USSR and the Stalinist countries of
Eastern Europe.
In the coming years the Cuban revolution will face a crossroads:
capitalism or socialism, socialism or a regression to barbarism.
Correspondingly, the Cuban working class and the militants and leaders
inside the Cuban CP that are truly communist, will equip themselves with
the political and organisational strategies needed to face this
challenge, fighting to change the deficiencies in the Cuban regime and
promoting the socialist revolution beyond the frontiers of the island.
July 2002
This article was translated from the original
Spanish version.
See also:
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