Democracy in Cuba and the Election of the New Council of State
By Arnold August, March 9, 2008

“Fidel Castro, democracy in Cuba, Cuban elections:” perhaps one of the most if not the most controversial subjects on the international scale. Both in conventional printed and online form, in broadcast (both TV and radio) in the main all that is indicated about this issue is based on preconceived notions of democracy, elections and Fidel Castro. This slant by far outweighs any serious studies done by non-Cubans on this specific matter.

For the few who adventure to do this, there is basically a monopoly media black-out on our views even though they are based on facts and personal observations. In my case, given that I speak Spanish fluently and of course understand it all situations, this gives an insight into the day-to- day working and different views in Cuba. Therefore there the possibility exists for me to present a detailed and balanced portrait of the situation: how democracy in Cuba operates in real terms from my own personal observations and discussions with citizens on the street and officials and elected individuals and assemblies at all levels.

In order to make any headway on this hot subject, I have always contended that the reader has to do her/his part. Those that are interested must attempt to do away with preconceived notions. For example in my first book published in 1999, I wrote that “the official U.S. notion of democracy and elections are more than ever the central subjects to back up the most recent wave of opposition to the Cuban political system.”

Close to 10 years later, and taking into account the recent storm brewing over the statement by Fidel Castro on February 19th and the election of the new Council of State on February 24th, this problem of the official U.S. notion is unfortunately very much there. This situation requires a continuous effort. That is why I wrote for an alternative on line web page on September 9, 2007 regarding the convening of the first step of the 2007-08 Cuban elections, “...that the best way to come to grips with all this is to shed ethnocentric notions based on European and North American experience when it comes to democracy and political systems.”

Here we are in March 2008, still in the throes of the analysis on the Council of State elections and the role of Fidel Castro. The shredding of Eurocentric notions is more than ever on the agenda.

“Fidel Castro, democracy in Cuba, Cuban elections” cannot be evaluated in the abstract, out of historical context.

During the second half of the 19th century Cuba was in the 5th century of mainly Spanish domination. Spanish colonialism and their wealthiest Cuban born elite ruled the roost over the vast majority of Cubans Creole workers and peasants, including small landowners and sugar cane plantation owners, slaves forcefully imported from Africa and Chinese indentured labourers (after having eliminated all the native peoples on the island.) After many uprisings emerging from all these sectors over the centuries, the majority Cuban people started to organize in the middle of the 19th century to overturn the minority ruling elite.

On October 10th, 1868, a Creole sugar plantation and mill owner feed his slaves and joined with them and others of Spanish origin to liberate Cuba from Spain and eliminate slavery. In the course of these wars of independence lasting from 1868 to 1898, the Cuban elected delegates and wrote their own constitutions in the liberated areas. One of the main features of the constitutions, varying one from the other, constituted the principle of equality for all, governance by the people, universal suffrage all of this contingent on the liberation of Cuba from Spanish colonial rule. The main leader of this movement was the forward-looking and enlightened Cuban patriot Jose Marti.

The Cuban patriotic and progressive forces, representing the vast majority of Cubans, actually won the struggle for independence and a new society in 1898. However, for the U.S., this was too close for comfort, in both the geographical and political sense. They thus stepped in and took over Cuba, replacing Spain as the ruler over the vast majority.

One of the first acts of the US imperialist regime in Cuba was to turn the clock backwards as to universal suffrage and voting. Take for example the new U.S. imposed electoral law of 1900. Contrary to the Cuban patriots 19th constitutional guarantee of universal suffrage, the U.S. required that in order to vote or be elected, the person must have an income valued at 250$ and be able to read and write. In the first US controlled elections, only 7 % of the people voted.

Elections in Cuba were characterized by fraud, violence, the plethora of political parties who came and went according to the needs of the U.S. political/economic machine in Havana in order to maintain the domination of the US and the very wealthy Cuban allies in power. When it was evident that new progressive forces such as Fidel Castro were about to win the elections called for the end of 1952, the U.S.-controlled Batista regime cancelled the elections, revoked the constitution and imposed an open fascist dictatorship.

This was one of the main contributing factors of a new force led by Fidel Castro in the 1950s. Alongside Fidel Casto was Raul Castro, the new President elected on February 24th along with Jose Manchado Ventura elected first VP and Juan Almeida Bosque one of the five vice presidents elected on February 24th

After a period of direct democracy from 1959 to the late 1960s, in the early 1970s, Cuba under the personal leadership of Fidel Castro and Raul Castro involved the country in organizing elections according to the Cuban traditions, not copying from anyone.

In 1976 based a referendum voted in by 97.7% of the population of the 98% that voted on February 15, 1976 enshrined elections and new political system.

Since the beginning of the elections in 1976, Cuba has continually moved to improve their political and electoral system, always with the goal of further involving the population and making sure that governance is in the hands of the people. Who was and is most vociferous for these changes and improvements? It was and is Fidel Castro.

During the 19th century struggles for independence and a more progressive society taking into account the historical context, Jose Marti solved the problem of divisions that had crept into the ranks of the patriotic forces. How did he do so? By promoting and leading the creation of a revolutionary political party. Its goal was not at all electoral, but its raison d’être was close ties to the people but rather act as the main political force to unite to people in the common goals of national and social revolution.

Cuba still has only one party, the Communist Party of Cuba. This comes first and foremost from the Marti tradition. Its role is not copied from anywhere. It is NOT an electoral party. My own investigation in general terms and the operation in the day to day life of the political system is that this party sees its role as the enforcer of the clause in the Cuban Constitution that states that sovereignty lies in the people.

How did the elections to the Council of State take place on February 24th?

Let us go back for a moment, to the beginning of the general elections last fall.

Elections to the Cuban municipal assemblies took place last October 21st after citizens in small neighbourhood meetings nominated fellow neighbours whose only requirement being that they LIVE in that area and are at least 16 years. A show of hands vote takes place. A series of these small neighbourhood meetings results in from 2 to 8 people being nominated. The elections through secret ballot universal suffrage took place e on October 21 when municipal delegates were elected. The Communist Party of Cuba does NOT play a role in the nomination – it is the citizens directly. My own personal observations and the very few non- Cubans who have done this work on the spot confirm this.

The candidacy commission, formed at all levels from national to the municipal are formed by representatives of the mass organisations, headed by the union central CTC (before the 1992 reforms, it was the party at that level which headed these commissions.)

Through a complicated process and on the basis of a mass consultation between all mass organisations, people at the place of work and in neighbourhoods and education centers, a project for nominations to elections to the national parliament is presented to the Municipal Assembly. It is these delegates, directly nominated and then voted upon in secret ballot elections that have the next to final say on who is to be candidate to parliament. Fidel Castro was one of those proposed to be a candidate. Even though there is one candidate per seat, each candidate has to get at least 5o% of the vote in order to be elected.

Once the deputies are elected, the new legislature met on February 24th. On February 19, Fidel Castro declared that he will not accept and not seek another term as President of the State Council to be elected from amongst the deputies. The candidacy commission consulted individually with each candidate and came up with a proposal for the new Council of State. It is obvious that the candidacy commission has its own input because Fidel Castro stated that he had suggested to the Commission that Jose Machado Ventura be nominated as First Vice- President because of his long experience in order to replace Raul Castro who acceded to the position of President.

A show of hands vote was then called for each of the proposed candidates to the state council. Anyone can speak in favour or against. As a long a proposed candidate receives at least 50% of the vote, than the person is considered to be an official candidate.

This was then put to a secret ballot vote by all the deputies including the close to 50% of the deputies who were nominated directly by the citizens and voted in as Municipal candidates in secret multi-candidate elections during the first stage of the elections last fall. In the February 24th vote, Raul Castro got 100% of the deputies’ votes; Machado Ventura received 98.69 % of the votes.

If one manages to delete from one’s mind euro and ethno centric notions of democracy, elections and leaders such as Fidel Castro, one can at least appreciate how the political system operates in Cuba today, its origins to be found in the 19th century and later on in the period of the struggle against the U.S. model which existed in Cuba before the revolution. The continuation of the historical leaders at the helm in one way or another, combined with new and younger forces, seems only very natural.