(These documents are by Cuban Trotskyists from 1960-1963. Cover letter
from the Spartacist League to Young Socialist Alliance, January 1965.) =======================================================================

TO OUR COMRADES IN THE YSA:

In order to help discredit your leadership, in a measure warranted by their unprincipled and unconscionable behavior, SPARTACIST presents for your consideration a facsimile copy of a special English language edition of the Cuban Trotskyists' mimeographed newspaper. It was prepared for the students who visited Cuba in the summer of 1963, and was a reply to Che Guevara's slanderous remarks about them to the students.

It is also a reply to the claque of chronic liars who inhabit 116 University Place, and who have been perpetrating similar lies about the Cuban Trotskyists to their rank•and-file membership for some time. Why do they do this? It is to contain and channel the natural revolutionary enthusiasm of their youth down the path of timorousness and cowering before the capitalist State....a path that the SWP-YSA leadership long ago embarked upon. In. alluding to that other natural but contradictory feeling that revolutionaries tend to have..••especially those from the middle class.•.Trotsky described the State as "that most ferocious of all fetishes, with the great knife in its teeth." It is this feeling that the SWP-YSA tries to play up, so that "Trotskyism" in the U. S. will not actually help set great social forces in motion here and make the leadership more nervous and jittery than they already are.

Read this document for yourself and decide who has done and is doing more to advance the world revolution: the SWP that in effect publicly goes along with the Cuban government in denying the Cuban workers and peasants the right to rule their state, or SPARTACIST as well as the Posadas tendency that openly call for Leninist norms for the Cuban State. Remember, it was the Cuban Trotskyists that were first, even in Cuba, to insist the Cuban Revolution must take the socialist path: in order to survive the attacks of imperialism, and shortly after their all. .this the Cuban people took the factories in their hands. What was the SWP doing during this time? The task of a Marxist revolutionary party is to stimulate and advance the revolution not to sit as a cheering section on the sidelines, hooraying revolutionary things that happen despite their lack of Intervention and participation in the developing revolutionary process.

The document should make it clear that if the SWP-YSA leadership can lie about the Cuban Trotskyist and the Posadas tendency in general, they can lie about SPARTACIST or anything else for that matter. Some of their most trusted performed as expected right here just a few days ago in the group expulsions of SPARTACIST and others.

Yours for the doing to centrism what Lenin said must be done to centrism.

Chicago SPARTACIST
P. 0. Box 9295
Chicago, Illinois 60690
312, 772-8817

January 3, I965

I, Ferrera
Monte 12, ap. 11
La Habana

Organo del

PARTIDO OBRERO REVOLUCIONARIO TROTSKYISTA
Seccion cubana de la Cuarta Internacional

Havana, 5th August, 1963

TO THE AMERICAN STUDENTS

In order to justify to the American students the fact that the Trotskyists are not able to publish their paper in the national publishing house, comrade Guevara had to repeat some old Stalinist inventions.

The dictatorship of the proletariat means, according to Lenin's definition and according to the practice of the first years of the Soviet state under the leader ship of Lenin and Trotsky, dictatorship for the bourgeoisie and full democracy for the masses. The masses must have institutions for the full exercise of the power that is theirs (as soviets were in those years), elected by the workers with the right of recall at any time. The masses must have full freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly. That means, specifically, freedom for the different tendencies, the different proletarian revolutionary parties which represent different cur rents of opinion within the proletarian state. The only condition for their legality is that they place themselves within the framework of the socialist revolution and defend it unconditionally against its capitalist and imperialist enemies.

All these are the flexible and harmonic mechanisms through which the masses can discuss, decide and effectuate their own decisions, constantly elevati. their socialist consciousness by the exercise of revolutionary democracy, and through which the most serious mistakes can be prevented or corrected in due tirr This is also the mechanism that permits the only real unity to be realized among different socialist tendencies: not a unity imposed from above, but the unity aime at the common goal of unrelenting defense of the workers' state and the constant work for its strengthening and development.

Comrade Guevara knows all this. Therefore he cannot in any manner whatsoever honestly equate Trotskyism, the revolutionary communist tendency which here and in the whole world defends at any cost our Cuban socialist revolution, with Christian Democracy, a reactionary bourgeois tendency that in the whoIc. world is against socialism and against Cuba. In Cuba the only ones who can be equated with Christian Democracy are those who are in deep grief over the death of the Pope, who justify elections as the way out for Venezuela and who, in alliance with the Christian Democratic Party, supported Belaunde in Peru.

Comrade Guevara should know our position well enough Ix know that the old Stalinist slander about the "attack on Guantanamo Base" is that and nothing more than a slander. What we Trotskyists have proposed and continue to advocate is for agitation and struggle in the whole world for the expulsion of imperialism from a. military and naval bases, including Guantanamo. The moment and the ways for cannot be decided apart from the main tasks and tempo of the world revolution. All this has been confirmed by the revolutionary Government itself in the Five Points of October, which our party and the Fourth International unconditionally supported. The most important of those points refers precisely to the withdrawn. of imperialism from Guantanamo.

Comrade Guevara also ought to be sufficiently was informed, informed to know that Trotskyists, as is our right, support certain things.-- for instance the general position of the Revolutionary Government last October— and criticize other ones, as the Cuban masses themselves do, He knows that no one can say without slandering that we are not linked with the Revolution, for our comrades are in the first line in all revolutionary tasks, from cutting cane to armed defense, from volunteer work to increasing production. We are today as fully integrated in the Revolution —a Revolution that is as much ours as it is that of the Cuban masses—as we were yesterday in the Sierra Maestra or in the clandestine fight against Batista.

All the Revolutionary Government knows, as does the Minister of Industries himself, that a lot of criticisms and proposals made from 1959 on by the Trotsky- ists have shown themselves to be absolutely correct. Applied in due time, they would have meant a much greater advance for the Revolution. For instance, among scores of other documents, the article by comrade Posadas, a leader of the Fourth' International, which we include herewith, shows that we proposed before anyone else the socialist measures and socialist path which would be the only way out for our Revolution. Because of that, Stalinism then slandered us as "adventurists" and "agents of Imperialism."

We Trotskyists have set forth and do set forth our proposals directed toward all basic political and economic problems of our socialist revolution. Anyone may agree or disagree with them, but nobody can deny us our socialist right to fight for them.

We are grateful to comrade Guevara for his declaration that we are "the most revolutionary," but we think that he is mistaken in this also. Never, now or before, have we believed ourselves to be more revolutionary than the Cuban and world masses, nor have we pretended to give lessons to the masses.

The entire statement of comrade Guevara is self-contradictory, for, while on one hand he says that many problems ought to be faced with more courage, he denies on the other hand the right to do so to any revolutionary tendency which is not in agreement with the leadership of his own party. This is a sure way to hinder any revolutionary criticism and to maintain a climate of bureaucratic conformity. The situation is the following: he has access to the whole press to misrepresent our positions and we have not the right to be heard by the masses, so they themselves can decide. This is what we mean when we speak about lack of confidence in the masses.

We perfectly understand the difficulty the Minister of Industries has in answering the question posed by the American students, above all at a moment when he himself is being heavily attacked by rightist tendencies, the champions of relying mainly on material incentives and bureaucratic privileges. But a Marxist can never defend himself from the right by slandering the left. This is an unforgiveable compromise, and history, in the short run as well as the long, always demands an accounting for it. And moreover, this is a way of opening the door to capitulation before the right wing by adapting himself to and accepting its bureaucratic methods of struggle.

Companeros:

Our party hopes that these materials will give you a general idea of our positions set forth at certain crucial moments of our socialist revolution.

The Fourth International has repeated many times that, for our socialist country, one of the most effective forms of influencing the American masses is to show them a full functioning of socialist democracy in our workers' state. This will enormously strengthen our Revolution. Your revolutionary concern over this problem has fully confirmed the stand of our movement about it. We do not want democracy only for democracy's sake, we want proletarian democracy for the national and international development of the revolutionary process found everywhere in the world today.

Our party heartily greets your revolutionary initiative in traveling to socialist Cuba and in defending our Revolution against all the imperialist slanderers. We call for you to actively continue defending our Revolution, to inform the American people by any means possible the truth about our socialist country, to point out that in spite of difficulties and mistakes, the degree of real democracy for the masses is much greater in Cuba than in any capitalist country.

We also call for you to tell the entire truth about our situations that is to say, that socialist democracy in Cuba ought to advance, allowing with full democratic rights the functioning of all revolutionary tendencies, including the Trotsky lets; but also to let it be known that Cuba is, up to this moment, the only workers state in the world where a revolutionary communist tendency such as ours can speak out,

have discussions openly with guests such as you, publish our paper  at least in mimeograph form and fight openly for the advance of the Revolution. It is important that this too be said, for this is another indication of the force of the Cuban masses, the strength of our revolution and the future and inevitable develop meat that will take the fight for revolutionary socialist democracy into all the socialist countries. Nothing and nobody can keep the masses from expressing themselves and keep the program of revolutionary communism from breaking through in one way or another. The advance of the Chinese communists along the path of the world proletarian revolution is the latest proof of this, as is our own Cuban Revolution. °

Companeros:

The menace of imperialist attack against our Revolution is as great as eve. The blockade does incalculable damage to our economy. Imperialism, taking advantage of the counterrevolutionary accord between Kennedy and Khrushchev, thinks that it has a free hand to continue hammering away at socialist Cuba. This is self-deception, for the masses of the socialist camp and of Latin America and the whole world will defend the Cuban workers' state at any cost.

The trade embargo imposed on us must be fought back and beaten. We cal on you, companeros, to fight for the proposals set forth by our appeal to the masses of the world, which we have also included for you to read and we call on you not only to link yourselves with but to actively promote the alliance of American masses with the masses of Latin America against our common enemy: imperialism and capitalism.

Have a good trip back, companeros, and keep up the good work:

PARTIDO OBRERO REVOLUCIONARIO TROTSKIST,

Cuban Section of the Fourth International

PROLETARIANS OF THE WHOLE WORLD, UNITE IN DEFENSE OF SOCIALIST CUBA; COMRADES, BREAK THE BLOCKADE!

(The following appeal of the Cuban Trotskyists to the world masses was sent October 11, 1962 to the International Secretariat of the Fourth International

and to all the sections, which printed and distri. buted it and enabled it to reach the mass organizations and workers' parties of their respective countries.)

Appeal of the Trotskyist Revolutionary Workers' Party, Cuban section of the Fourth International: Comrades:

The most recent measures of imperialist blockade against our workers' state are actions along the path of war and of direct aggression, This is a real preparation, determined and inflexible, for direct aggression. Imperialism is waiting for a favorable moment. Moreover, it has shown clearly that its purpose, have not changed and will not change, whatever the cost or consequences may be Even at the cost of atomic war it will attack Cuba, It is preparing not only for the attack against Cuba but also for the counterrevolutionary atomic war against the Soviet Union, the workers' states and the revolutionary masses of the world. It i not willing to surrender without a desperate final struggle.

The masses of the world are the main support for our revolution. After that, the military support of the Soviet Union and other workers' states. Our workers' state is entirely right in accepting and welcoming that military support. It is part of the anticapitalist alliance between workers' states and the Colonist revolution, But acceptance of military support of the workers' states in defense of our socialist revolution should never mean renunciation of the anticapitalist mobilization of the masses of the world, and especially those of Latin America.

Our strength and our allies are not the wretched national bourgeoisies tha say they &till respect 'self determination" of Cuba because they are afraid of their own masses while they take, without exception, orders from the imperialists by attending the foreign ministers' meeting in Washington. In exchange for military support, the Soviet bureaucracy demands that our workers' state not appeal to the Latin American masses, that it accept its conciliatory and illusory international policy of "peaceful coexistence," that it look for support from the "progressive" Latin American bourgeoisies and not from the masses. The Revolutionary Govern ment should accept, as it has done, the military support. But it must reject these demands and that policy.

Doing this will in no way imperil getting military support from the Soviet Union. This support does not depend on the bureaucracy. It is the Soviet masses, the workers, the peasants, the technicians, the young officers of the Soviet Army who insure continuing support to Cuba. The international proletarian solidarity of the Soviet masses will be even greater with the adoption of a full revolutionary international policy on the part of our workers' state. They will see, even more than they do now, in our revolution an outpost of their own fight against bureaucracy, for Soviet democracy and for the final liquidation of capitalism in the world.

Our international strength, the social force of our revolution, is fused with the communist conscience and the revolutionary dynamism of the masses raised in rebellion all over the world: The Revolutionary Government, our social. ist revolution, should openly stand on this force and make it clear to all that it does so: To this international strength we Trotskyists appeal and resort in the name of the Cuban masses!

Comrades: The blockade will continue to be extended. The "resistance" to the blockade of the bourgeoisies of certain countries is false, fictitious and despicable. Imperialism wants to demoralize the masses. It knows that the blockade will never make the Cuban masses go down on their knees before it. It knows that the Cuban workers' state will not surrender. But what imperialism wants is to intimidate, to discourage the Latin American masses, It wants to demonstrate it still has the strength and ability to isolate a socialist revolution. It wants to convince everyone that it is not possible to break a blockade decreed by it. It knows that the blockade is not and cannot be total, for the workers' states, particularly the USSR, will continue to send supplies. But what imperialism wants is to discourage the masses of the capitalist countries, and most of all the masses of Latin America. It wants to show that solidarity is impossible except between states. It wants to give moral support to the Latin American hour• geoisie, showing that it still has power to do something, and to destroy the morale of the masses.

THE RUPTURE OF THE BLOCKADE BY THE LATIN AMERICAN AND TH1 WORLD MASSES, THE SOLIDARITY AND THE ACTIVE REPRISALS OF THE MASSES AGAINST IMPERIALISM AND ITS BOURGEOIS ACCOMPLICES FOR THE BLOCKADE OF REVOLUTIONARY CUBA WILL BE AN ENORMOUS BLOW TO THE AUTHORITY AND STRENGTH OF IMPERIALISM, TO ITS NATIONAL BOURGEOIS ALLIES, AND WILL BE AN IMMENSE HELP TO THE CUBAN AND THE – LATIN AMERICAN SOCIALIST REVOLUTION, COMRADES, THE BLOCKADE MUST BE BROKEN;

Comrades, proletarians of Latin America and the world:

The Cuban socialist revolution is advancing and will endure. The Cuban masses will not give in. We have overthrown capitalism, we have finished with the exploiters, We have nationalized the imperialist factories and those of the national bourgeoisie without paying a cent, The old latifundia are under the collective exploitation of the farm workers, the poor peasants have their lands. The socialist revolution has abolished illiteracy in a year. We Cuban workers are armed, militia men and women are on watch day and night in our trade unions, b2 our factories and workshops, in our buildings... those now of the workers' state. Our army has modern Soviet, Chinese and Czech weapons. Our MIG airplanes patrol our skies. Our torpedo boats, of Soviet make, manned by young Cubans, watch over our shores. Military technicians the Soviet army and other workers states help us prepare our defense against invasion, In factories and in the fields work acid production goes on for the construction of the workers' state, without exploiters, without masters, fraternally. (Many improvements are still needed: we need workers' and peasants' councils (soviets) that would exercise the real power of the state, we need a Marxist revolutionary party of the masses, based or the trade unions, and we need actual participation of the masses and guidance by the masses through soviet-like organs of control on all fronts.) But the masses dc in fact participate even at this time. They have discussions in their unions, in the factories, in the streets. The masses participate to an extent in controlling supplies and distribution; the masses directly fight against speculators, privileges and the remnants of all former exploiting classes as well as the present would-be privileged bureaucrats formed in or assimilated to the school of Stalinism. There is no rationing, no blockade, no abject harassment or impudent attack of imperial. ism and the national bourgeoisies that can force the communist, egalitarian and fraternal spirit of the masses and of our revolution to yield.

Comrades: Imperialism wants to destroy all that. Our Revolution is part of your revolution. Imperialism wants to prove all this is impossible. The revolution must be defended; It must be defended with anticapitalist methods, fighting for the overthrow of capitalism everywhere, for the establishment of new workers states!

Imperialism turns to the national bourgeoisies to blockade our socialist island, pressures ship companies, and wants to regroup the bourgeoisies in order to strangle our revolution and prepare its counterrevolutionary atomic world war. We turn to the masses.

From revolutionary Havana, from proletarian Cuba, the Trotskyist Revolutionary Workers Party, Cuban Section of the Fourth International, appeals to you, comrades, to defend by all means our permanent socialist Cuban revolution. in ail the world the Fourth International, our Trotskyist comrades, are in the first line of this fight and to you our International brings this appeal.

The blockade has to be answered by boycotting imperialist ships. They must be harassed, sabotaged and boycotted in all ports of the world! The unions and workers' federations of all countries must call for a boycott against imperialist ships and against companies that go along with the blockade against revolutionary Cuba; IT MUST BE PROVED TO IMPERIALISM AND THEIR BOURGEOIS LACKEYS THAT THE COUNTER«BLOCKADE OF THE MASSES CAN BE MORE POWERFUL THAN THE IMPERIALIST BLOCKADE; Mass workers' assemblies must be held to adopt this revolution and decide how to put it into effect. Imperial ist factories must be occupied in protest to the blockade against Cuba: Imperialist property, troops, embassies, bases and representatives all over the world must be harassed and dealt a blow. In some Soviet factories the workers are giving one day's salary in support of revolutionary Cuba. This example must be followed throughout the world:

Let the workers federations, the trade unions, the workers, communist and socialist parties, together with our comrades and parties of the Fourth Inter.. national, organize throughout the world action against imperialism and in defense of socialist Cuba in order to brew the blockade against our revolution: Yankee and bourgeois ships which accei: tie blockade must be denied repairs, fuel supplies, replacements, food, :ter and cargoes: Union gangsters in the longshoremen's unions in the United States must be pushed out of their positions of leadership, and workers' federations must repudiate, condemn and isolate them: Pickets must be formed in imperialist ports, embassies, factories, mines and farms; solidarity comma.. ss must be formed to fight imperialism WITH ANTICAPITALIST METHODS, not only with declarations, but by attacking imperialist property, occupying it, and in effect blockading it by this mobilization.

Comrades: Proletarians of Genoa, Marseilles, Barcelona, Casablanca; comrades of Hamburg, asterdam, Anvers, London, New York; comrades of Djakarta, Colombo, Yokohama; proletarians of Buenos Aires, Santos, Rio de Janeiro, Montevideo, El Gallao, Valparaiso, Veracruz; comrades of all the ports of the world, of all industrial centers and workers' districts of Latin America, Asia, Africa, Europe: BREAK THE BLOCKADE AGAINST SOCIALIST CUBA! Impose in your unions, your communist and socialist parties, in your workers' federations the revolutionary defense of the Cuban workers' state: Organize the counter-blockade, the total boycott of Yankee ships, the increasing harassment of imperialist properties. The defense of our Revolution is an inseparable part of your proletarian revolution:

The masses of our workers' state will receive with endless enthusiasm your solidarity in the anticapitalist fight. They will feel still stronger, firmer and safer. They will advance still more in the permanent path of our Revolution. The Cuban masses will not fail!

Comrades, workers of all countries, proletarians of the world, unite in defense of socialist Cuba!

COMRADES, BREAK THE BLOCKADE;

Political Bureau of the Trotskyist Revolutionary Workers Party, Cuban section of the Fourth International

Havana, October 11, 1962

FOR SUPPORT AND EXTENSION OF THE CUBAN REVOLUTION

By J. Posadas

(This article by Comrade Posadas, written in June 1960, is slightly shortened; for full text, see Voz Proletaria, bi-weekly organ of the POR(Trotskyist) of Argentina first half of June 1960. It also has been published in Cuarta Internacional, Summer 1960.)

The Cuban revolution is passing through steadily increasing danger. Imperialism, particularly Yankee imperialism, is increasing military, economic, and political pressure. The Church has joined this campaign, and the front of the Curia, imperialism, Batistismo and the oligarchy operates coordinatedly under a single leadership. It conceals itself behind the mask of an "anti-Communist front." But its purpose is not to combat the Communist Party, for this party has very scant influence on the Cuban masses, but rather to draw together all segments who feel that the Revolution, under the pressure of the masses, is going for ward toward measures whereby the workers more openly intervene in and control government policy, trying to spur on to revolutionary antl-imperialist and anti. capitalist positions since, despite the leadership's hesitations, fears and raising of obstacles, the masses tend to seek the revolutionary channel toward measures of this sort.

Until lately there existed sectors of Yankee imperialism, of the North American press, that still believed in the possibility of "containing" the revolution by crushing the will and steadily increasing combativity of the Cuban masses, and thereby "containing" the Cuban government's policy and measures. But these sectors are now declaring that they have given up hope and that Cuba is heading for "communism." Under the pressure of masses unwilling to remain passive, the government is inclining toward carrying out a foreign policy of agreements, of commercial and even diplomatic relations with the workers' states. The invitations to Khrushchev and to either Mao Tse-Tung or Chou En-Lai, really invitations to the workers' states as such, strike at and worry imperialism, Despite the limited scope assigned to these measures by the Cuban government, they spur the Cuban and Latin American masses to seek their natural alliance with the workers' states and the world-wide colonial revolution (as witness the Cuban government's support of the Algerian revolution) to defend their own revolution and break away from economic and commercial difficulties.

DORTICOS'S TOUR

Cuban President Dorticos on his recent tour sought to obtain the support and "understanding" of the Latin American governments and bourgeoisies and else to spur on and encourage support of the masses for the Cuban revolution. The result spoke volumes. The governments were frightened lest Dorticos's presence should influence their own masses, whose hatred for imperialism is deep and intense. All these governments tried in one way of another to impede, neutralize and even sabotage Dorticos's trip and especially his contact with the masses.

By their inconsiderate behavior toward him* the governments showed their fear of "contamination" by the Cuban revolution and demonstrated to Yankee imperialism that they were on its side. No Latin American government (save per haps the Mexican) will take a stand in support of the revolutionary democratic rights of the Cuban masses to follow the course of their revolutionary life as they wish to do and are doing, and support the Cuban government against imperialism's attempts to overthrow it. Venezuela and Colombia are really two bridgeheads against the Cuban revolution: Betancourt's attitude toward Dorticos was revealing Yankee imperialism is waiting for the opportunity to swap Santo Domingo for Cuba, to yield to the popular hatred of the Dominican dictatorship to obtain from the Latin American governments the offsetting support for invading or sabotaging Cubz for besieging it economically, socially, and politically. Despite imperialist might Latin American governments, under immense mass pressure, fear to show open support to Wall Street's proposals. But the furious campaign of Latin America's "democratic" press against the Cuban government and people is only a beginning, which will later move on to the economic, political, and military fields.

THE CUBAN REVOLUTION AND THE WORLD AND LATIN AMERICAN MASSES

It is owing to the anti-imperialist hatred of the Latin American masses that their governments and imperialism have not gone even farther against the Cuban revolution. Imperialism is steadily losing the petty bourgeois social support it could until recently count on. All over Latin America to varying degrees (e.g.,. Paraguay, Panama, Colombia, Venezuela, Argentina), the masses are effectively fighting against the bourgeoisies and oligarchies to expel imperialism and dictator ships.

When their struggle reaches an open anti-oligarchic level, it is carried out "in the Cuban way." The masses sense that this is the really fruitful way to solve economic and social problems, to achieve agrarian reform, industrialization and democratic rights. It is the Cuban way that the masses in Korea, Turkey and Japan have taken to expel imperialism, to fight against war and atomic armament, to defend democratic rights and social progress, the only way to fight for their own human dignity.

The Latin American bourgeoisies, as we have seen, are ready to obey imperialism in its plans against the Cuban revolution and the revolutionary movements of the masses in Latin America and throughout the world, But the Latin American masses, on the contrary, will continue to fight for their own goals, mentioned above, and the outlook is good that their struggles will grow stronger and their revolution will advance.

DEPENDENCE OF THE CUBAN REVOLUTION ON THE WORLD AND LATIN AMERICAN MASSES

The Cuban revolution government, unions, and masses must openly seek the support of the Latin American and world masses. The Cuban government can expect nothing from the capitalist governments of Latin America. On the contrary it can and must count on the masses of Latin America and the world, appeal to them, in particular connect up the extension and elevation of the Cuban revolution with the world revolution. These masses, plus the workers' states, have prevented Yankee imperialism and the Latin American governments from crushing the Cuban revolution.

Economic problems and unemployment are weighing and will continue to weigh on the Cuban revolution. The oil problem speaks for itself. Imperialism will step up economic an grade sabotage while it is preparing military invasion or an internal uprising combined with invasion.

These attempts would be supported by the capitalist forces that in moat cases continue overwhelmingly dominant in the ownership of land, the telephone system, electric light ---- power, transportation, etc. Dependent on the capitalist structure of the country they are the bases for counterrevolution. The Cuban revolution's first measure of self-defense must be more advanced expropriation of imperialist and Cuba owned properties of national importance, nationalizing them and putting them under workers' control; planning, nationalization and coordinated production in the national interest, in conformance with the people's need: for food, employment and maintenance of living standards, combined with export, trade exchanges, and industrialization; calling when necessary on technicians,

Professional men and scientists from the whole world, and especially from Latin America, to collaborate in advancing the Cuban revolution; increasing cultural, economic, and scientific ties and exchanges with the workers' states, recognizing them all (People's China, East Germany, etc.); recognizing the government of the National Liberation Front in Algeria and giving it public and direct support; calling on the Bolivian and other Latin American governments to insist on propaganda for and preparation of the conference of underdeveloped states, but to carry it out on the basis of a program made clear to the masses, of liberation from imperialism and an increase in the participation and control of the masses in the economy and the government; calling for the establishment of a raw materials pool and of joint purchasing in the name of all the countries of Latin America.

THE TRADE UNIONS, THE MASSES, AND THE CUBAN REVOLUTION

It is the masses who are the basis for a real support of the Cuban revolution. The Cuban Labor Federation should appeal directly, agitate, and send members on tours through all Latin American countries to call for the organization of an Anti-Imperialist United Front on the basis of agrarian reform and the expulsion of imperialism. It should call for a Proletarian United Front to fight for workers and peasants' governments. It and its component unions should call on the masse, of North America to fight for a program in defense of the right of the peoples of Latin America to struggle against imperialism.

There exists an agreement among the labor federations of Cuba, Venezuela, Chile and Bolivia, and between the Student Centers of Cuba and Argentina, etc., to defend the Cuban and Bolivian revolutions. These agreements must not remain mere resolutions: these organisms must function permanently, with a regular leadership that calls meetings and mobilizations and convokes a Latin American congress for the Latin American peoples' national and social liberation from imperialism and capitalism. This does not interest the leaders of the Peronists in Argentina, of the MNR in Bolivia, o the Accion Democratica in Venezuela, or o the Communist Parties anywhere, who all fear to lose control over the actions of the masses. The workers' control exercised by the printers of Cuba's capitalist newspapers should be extended to all the firms and factories inside and outside Cuba, for the experience of workers' control in Cuba and in Bolivia clearly shows the road by which the revolution must in practice go forward,

In each country, the workers' organizations should declare that they join and support the Cuban revolution, issue appeals to carry out demonstrations, mobilizations, assemblies, meetings and conferences in support of the action of the Cuban masses. The movement should discuss and learn from the experience of the actions of the Cuban masses, their guerrillas, their peasant militia, and their struggle to the death against imperialism and for national and social liberation,

Workers from the factories, the unions, and the neighborhoods should discuss and organize commissions for concrete aid to the Cuban revolution, hold factory meetings to bring about a national congress of support and backing to the Cub revolution, organize commissions for sending brigades of armed militiamen to Cuba. The most important aid that can and must be put into practice in favor of the Cuban revolution is the development of national anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist struggles, the organization of the anti-imperialist united front and the anti-capital united front for the program of national and social liberation.

A single Latin American labor federation is an urgent necessity. The conditions for creating it exist, but effective steps have to be taken. The Cuban Labor Federation (CTC) should take the initiative and organize the tasks, the appeals, to negotiations and the measures for the creation of a single Latin American revolutionary worker and peasant federation on the basis of a program of national and social liberation. This would be one of the pillars of the defense and support of the Cuban revolution. Such a single Latin American labor federation would have to include all workers' tendencies and rights to proportional representation on the basis of the revolutionary program for national and social liberation.

ROLE OF THE CUBAN WORKING CLASS

The Cuban working class must be in the front ranks in the defense of its revolution against Yankee imperialism, in appeals to the workers, peasants and poor petty bourgeois of Latin America and the world to unify the struggle to expel imperialism on the basis of revolutionary agrarian reform and for the expropriation without compensation of imperialism and industries of national interest. But it must do so directly and in a form independent of its own Cuban government. T( support and defend the revolution at its present stage, it must be carried further. forward, To carry it forward, the expropriations of imperialism must be extended and deepened, and- workers' control, the monopoly of foreign trade, the nationalization of banking, and the planning of the economy must be instituted in a struggle for a workers' and peasants' government in Cuba. To carry the revolution through the Cuban masses need their own political class instrument, a Labor Party based on the trade unions. But at the same time there is needed the organization of the revolutionary Marxist, Trotskyist party of the Fourth International.

The recent explosion of a powder-magazine shows that the counterrevolution, though without social forces, still has adequate means to make trouble. As long as the Cuban state remains capitalist the counterrevolution the Cuban oligarchy, the Batistianos, Trujillo and imperialism. will find the means for certain successes in its attempts. But if the masses intervene directly with their class organisms, it will be crushed and exterminated. The Cuban trade unions should fight to impose the direct military intervention of the labor movement in the form of a people's militia. In case of any threat or danger they can directly crush the counterrevolutionaries. The people in arms is the only guarantee of checking and crushing the counterrevolution.

Recently the Cuban government organized an army of students controlled and directed by the state. This is a step backward. The unions must fight to have the student militia organized within the same framework as the workers' militia and under the control and direction of the trade unions. Student militia outside the control of the trade unions are at the present stage an embryo of a capitalist army because the state and the structure of society in Cuba continue to be capitalist.

The well-orchestrated campaign conducted by imperialism is immediately aimed at bringing pressure to paralyze the measures of expropriation and of diplomatic and trade relations with the workers' states, etc.

To crush the plans of subterfuge, sabotage, infamy and slanders against the Cuban revolution that are being carried out by imperialism and the Latin American bourgeoisies and governments, the masses must directly see and feel the independent class action, the appeals, the activity, and the action of the trade unions and the Cuban labor federation, These are what give the most confidence, have authority and exert influence on the masses—not only the student masses, but the broad enormous worker and Peasant masses of all Latin America and the world.

The defense and support of the Cuban revolution lies in this: that it must spread, broaden its social, economic and political conquests and rely on the revolutionary masses of Latin America and of the world. The present moment, th objective conditions, and the prospects all are favorable from every point of view. Imperialism is revealing its weakness when faced by the revolutionary impetus of the masses of the world, and by the advances of the workers' states, The Cuban revolution must base itself on these objective and subjective conditions to go forward on the road of national and social liberation, the only way to maintain and defend itself,

WORLD TROTSKYIST PRESS

ARGENTINA -. "Voz Proletaria" (Partido Obrero Trotskista)

BELGIUM - "La Lutte Ouvriere" (Partí Ouvrier Revolutionnaire Trotskyiste)

BOLIVIA - "Lucha Obrera" (Partido Obrero Revolucionario Trotskista)

BRAZIL - "Frente Operaria" (Partido Obrero Revolucionario Trotskista)

CHILE - "Vanguardia Proletaria" (Partido Obrero Revolucionario Trot. )

FRANCE •. "Lutte Communiste" (Parti Corninuniste Revolutionare Trotaki. j

GREAT BRITAIN - "Red Flag" (Trotskyist Revolutionary Workers Party) 21 Bolton Road, E. 15, London, England

ITALY . "Lotta Operaia" (Partido Comunista Rivoluzionario Trotskista)

MEXICO - "Voz Obrera" (Partido Obrero Revolucionario Trotskista)

PERU - "Voz Obrera" (Partido Obrero Revolucionario Trotskista)

SPAIN - "Lucha Obrera" (Partido Obrero Revolucionario Trotskista)

UPUGUAY - "Frente Obrero" (Partido Obrero Revolutionario.-.IV Internac, ) General Flores 2515. Montevideo